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military conflict on the Korean

Peninsula, or in the South China Sea,

or the possibility of major terrorist or

cyber attacks – especially if sponsored

by a sovereign state; these can cause

substantial harm and economic loss. If

the US and China did get into

a trade war after all, then it would

cause significant damage to the global

economy and emerging countries.And

Brexit would become a big deal for the

world if it proves to be a catalyst for the

to the 9/11 attacks, have not generally

led to major or lasting discontinuities in

the flow of trade, investment and

spending. Often policymakers have

calmed economic and commercial

nerves by easing policy or maintaining

easy policies. Most geopolitical

developments, including those going on

today, have had small-scale effects.The

major exception was in the 1970s, when

OPEC’s oil embargo, the quintupling of

energy prices, and the Iranian

Revolution generated profound

economic shocks. Nowadays, shale oil,

gas and renewables have made people

more relaxed about threats to energy

supplies and prices.

In macroeconomics, we tend to think

about geopolitical shock effects as ‘tail

risks’; that is, they lie at the extremes of

probability distribution.The trouble

with tail risks is that, if they do come to

pass, these ‘black swans’ have

catastrophic consequences.Think about

disintegration of the EU or eurozone

and, therefore, for the whole of the

post-1945 European order.These

outcomes would lead to a major

disruption in the functioning of the

world economy, in much the same way

that the financial crisis did a decade ago.

Even within our own country,

populism could have more deleterious

economic consequences than it has up

to now. For example, it could lead to

policies that produce higher inflation,

protectionism, larger fiscal deficits and

more public debt. Short-term, artificial

or poorly-crafted boosts to economic

growth that are unsustainable would

cause economic damage. Central banks

that lose their independence to populist

politicians may quickly become agents

of inflation and instability.

The global economy is not in bad shape

at the moment; though we should

remember that the world is still coming

to terms with the aftermath of the

financial crisis, and we still have to lighten

the economic burden of high levels of

national indebtedness. China, which

accounts for half of the increase in

world debt since 2005

3

, will have to

address the growing risk of financial

instability in the next two to three years,

if not sooner.The result will be a

significant, perhaps protracted, economic

slowdown.That would herald new risks

for the world economy.Meanwhile,

the stalling or partial reversal of

globalisation is a growth depressant that

remains with us, while the demographics

of ageing will compromise growth for

the foreseeable future.

All of these drags require coping

mechanisms and mitigation strategies.

The failure to find them is precisely the

kind of thing that could lead politicians

to distraction, and take geopolitical

instability to a more dangerous level.

George Magnus is an economic consultant

and associate at the

University of Oxford

China Centre

GEOPOLITICS

If the US and China

get into a tradewar,

significant damage

to the global economy

would ensue

TENSIONS

THE INVESTOR

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